Health officials: Athens has spiraling HIV crisis












ATHENS, Greece (AP) — Athens is seeing an alarming increase in new HIV infections, particularly among intravenous drug users, health officials warned Friday, as Greece struggles through a protracted financial crisis in which funding for health care and drug treatment programs has been slashed.


While there were about 10-14 new HIV infections per year among Athens drug users from 2008 to 2010, that number shot up to 206 new cases last year and 487 new cases by October this year — a 15-fold and 35-fold increase respectively, officials said.












“There is no doubt we have a big and rapidly developing epidemic in Athens,” said Angelos Hatzakis, an epidemiology and preventive medicine professor at Athens University.


A total of 1,049 new cases of HIV infection were recorded in Greece in the first 10 months of this year, including the 487 drug users. Of the others, 256 were homosexual men, while 108 caught the virus through heterosexual intercourse, the figures showed.


“One of the reasons is the financial crisis,” said Marc Sprenger, director of the European Center for Disease Prevention and Control. “There are more people who are vulnerable, marginalized” and who use drugs.


They turn to cheaper drugs and turn to injecting instead of smoking in order to get the same high from a smaller quantity, officials said.


“We are very concerned,” Sprenger said. “What we see now is this increase, and if you don’t really pay attention to this, it will become in the future a really huge burden.”


Greece has been hammered by a financial crisis since late 2009 that has left the country facing a sixth year of a deep recession and with a quarter of the workforce unemployed. The country relies on international rescue loans from other European countries that also use the euro and the International Monetary Fund to stay solvent.


But in return, the Greek government has imposed several rounds of spending cuts and tax hikes. Charities dealing with drug users and HIV sufferers have also struggled to find funds during the crisis.


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Bulgaria offers citizenship to foreign investors












SOFIA, Bulgaria (AP) — Here’s one way to boost an ailing economy: Bulgaria is offering citizenship to foreigners ready to invest at least half a million euros ($ 650,000).


Under a newly approved amendment, the candidates would have to invest in a Bulgarian company involved in a high-priority investment project in industry, infrastructure, transport or tourism. The investors are also required to have had residence status in the country for at least one year.












Bulgaria, which joined the 27-nation European Union in 2007 and is the bloc’s poorest member, is trying to reverse the severe drop in foreign direct investment from €6.55 billion ($ 8.5 billion) in 2008 to €1.75 billion ($ 2.3 billion) in 2011.


Bulgaria already is handing out passports to ethnic Bulgarians outside its borders, the main beneficiaries being citizens of Macedonia, Serbia, Ukraine and Turkey — countries with living standards at a fraction of the EU average that are years away from possible membership.


The latest amendments have been criticized harshly by the opposition, and did not get unequivocal support from the presidency or the Justice Ministry, the two institutions that deal with the issue of granting citizenship. According to media reports, the Interior Ministry and the security services have also voiced concerns about potential risks to national security during a closed-door parliament committee meeting.


The political and economic instability in the Middle East following the Arab Spring revolutions could prompt wealthy citizens trying to escape the region’s troubles to qualify for the citizenship-by-investment program.


Other EU countries trying to cut public debt and attract foreign direct investment are also considering economic residency programs.


Spain is studying a plan to give residency to foreigners who buy a house or apartment worth €160,000 ($ 207,800) or more. The country has more than 700,000 unsold houses following the 2008 collapse of its real estate market .


Government officials, however, are cautious about the idea.


“It is not government policy. Nor is it likely to become so,” the spokeswoman for Spain’s Economy Ministry said on condition of anonymity because she was not authorized to discuss future policy discussions.


Spain’s residency idea for foreign home buyers would not give permanent residency or the privilege of working.


It still would beat other offers from bailed-out EU countries like Ireland and Portugal, where residency papers are offered to foreigners buying houses worth more than €400,000 ($ 519,400) and €500,000 ($ 649,300) respectively.


Even though these plans increase the number of people who have an EU passport, the EU says citizenship issues are the responsibility of national governments.


Latvia, a non-EU nation on the Baltic coast, offers a deal where property buyers are eligible to receive residency permits if they buy real estate in the capital Riga worth €140,000 ($ 181,800) or places worth €70,000 ($ 90,900) in the countryside.


___


Alan Clendenning and Harold Heckle contributed from Madrid.


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African Union asks UN for immediate action on Mali












DAKAR, Senegal (AP) — In an open letter Thursday to U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, the president of the African Union urged the U.N. to take immediate military action in northern Mali, which was seized by al-Qaida-linked rebels earlier this year.


Yayi Boni, the president of Benin who is also head of the African Union, said any reticence on the part of the U.N. will be interpreted as a sign of weakness by the terrorists now operating in Mali. The AU is waiting for the U.N. to sign off on a military plan to take back the occupied territory, and the Security Council is expected to discuss it in coming days.












In a report to the Security Council late Wednesday, Ban said the AU plan “needs to be developed further” because fundamental questions on how the force will be led, trained and equipped. Ban acknowledged that with each day, al-Qaida-linked fighters were becoming further entrenched in northern Mali, but he cautioned that a botched military operation could result in human rights abuses.


The sprawling African nation of Mali, once an example of a stable democracy, fell apart in March following a coup by junior officers. In the uncertainty that ensued, rebels including at least three groups with ties to al-Qaida, grabbed control of the nation’s distant north. The Islamists now control an area the size of France or Texas, an enormous triangle of land that includes borders with Mauritania, Algeria and Niger.


Two weeks ago, the African Union asked the U.N. to endorse a military intervention to free northern Mali, calling for 3,300 African soldiers to be deployed for one year. A U.S.-based counterterrorism official who saw the military plan said it was “amateurish” and had “huge, gaping holes.” The official insisted on anonymity because he was not authorized to speak on the matter.


Boni, in his letter, said Africa was counting on the U.N. to take decisive action.


“I need to tell you with how much impatience the African continent is awaiting a strong message from the international community regarding the resolution of the crisis in Mali. … What we need to avoid is the impression that we are lacking in resolve in the face of these determined terrorists,” he said.


The most feared group in northern Mali is al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, or AQIM, al-Qaida’s North African branch, which is holding at least seven French hostages, including a 61-year-old man kidnapped last week.


On Thursday, SITE Intelligence published a transcript of a recently released interview with AQIM leader, Abu Musab Abdul Wadud, in which he urges Malians to reject any foreign intervention in their country. He warned French President Francois Hollande that he was “digging the graves” of the French hostages by pushing for an intervention.


Also on Thursday, Islamists meted out the latest Shariah punishment in northern city of Timbuktu. Six young men and women were each given 100 lashes for having talked to each other on city streets, witnesses said.


___


Associated Press writer Virgile Ahissou in Cotonou, Benin and Baba Ahmed in Bamako, Mali contributed to this report.


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J&J says won’t enforce AIDS drug patent in Africa












LONDON (Reuters) – Generic manufacturers are to be given a free rein to make cheap copies of Johnson & Johnson‘s HIV/AIDS drug Prezista for sale in Africa and other poor countries.


U.S. healthcare group J&J said on Thursday it would not enforce patents, provided generic firms made high-quality versions of the drug – known generically as darunavir – for sub-Saharan Africa and Least Developed Countries.












Prezista is a relatively new drug used when patients develop resistance to older antiretrovirals. The need for it was expected to grow rapidly as more patients in Africa stop responding to existing therapies.


Pharmaceuticals head Paul Stoffels said he expected Indian drugmakers, in particular, to take advantage of the patent move, adding that competition among different companies should drive prices down further.


J&J has an existing deal with South African group Aspen Pharmacare, which makes Prezista at a discounted price of $ 2.22 per day for Africa – a fraction of the western market price.


Its decision to act unilaterally on Prezista patents will, however, disappoint those calling for J&J to share intellectual property rights in the new Medicines Patent Pool, which aims to streamline generic production by pooling patents.


“We have chosen to go direct … we think that is the best way,” Stoffels said in an interview.


“We want to reserve the right to reinforce patents if people are not providing the right quality of product, for example by bringing products to market that under-dose.”


International drugmakers are under growing pressure to make medicines more affordable in poor countries, after being attacked for not doing enough in the past.


J&J ranked second in a new analysis of how companies are performing in providing access to medicines – an improvement of seven places from two years earlier, following its purchase of Crucell, which makes vaccines for the developing world.


(Editing by Dan Lalor)


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A Pet Food Store Fights to Survive Sandy













When Robert Freed walked into Pet Foods Plus, his flooded store on Midland Avenue in Staten Island, two blocks from the Atlantic Ocean, he knew what he smelled immediately: the stench of rotten kibble and cat food, a few tons of it. During good times, that $ 250,000 worth of inventory was the equivalent of Freed’s bank. Now his windows had been broken, the walls had been pushed in by the storm surge, and his counters and the platform they rested on were gone, washed way up the avenue. His racks and shelves were knocked over, dog food was spread all over the floor, his cat toys and doggie chews soggy and covered in what looked like seaweed.


It was Oct. 31. Rob, 47, and his younger brother Matt, 37, had waited out the storm in New Jersey. Their homes were in the highest-risk, Zone A sections of Staten Island, as was their store. The first morning the Outerbridge Crossing, one of the bridges that connect New Jersey to Staten Island, reopened, they hopped in their cars to check on their store. Rob had gotten calls from friends and neighbors telling him it was on fire, the callers shouting over emergency sirens wailing in the background. He’d dismissed these as the hysterical bulletins of those who were still in a state of shock from the flood. But after crawling across Staten Island—traffic was backed up because the traffic lights were out—he realized that the MetroPCS location next door had indeed gone up in flames. The old, wooden clapboard house was now a charred mess spilling blackened shingles into the street.












9cdd9  1129 feat sandymap inline A Pet Food Store Fights to Survive Sandy


Their store, a cinder-block structure built on a concrete slab, hadn’t burned. Instead, it had been flooded. The waterline, marked in kelp and mud on the walls, stood at nine feet.


“I went numb,” Rob says, “I’m standing there thinking this is my store but this isn’t my store. This, this is—it’s like being at a wake. You’re standing there, laughing about the person who died, but then it hits you.”


Matt was by his side, and as they headed inside, he bent to pick up a flat of Fancy Feast cat food that had broken open, then stopped and dropped it. What was the point? There was so much, spread and piled so high, mixed with sewage and sand.


Then they were surrounded. A dozen people had entered the store with them. They were stepping over the spilled dog food and scattered cans and were stuffing cat toys and leashes and dog bones into garbage bags. They were looting.


“They didn’t even know we were the owners,” says Matt, “They were pushing us out of the way to get in the store.”


They had seen a few cops on a boat going down the still-flooded Colony Avenue, but they were still in a search-and-rescue phase. They would find at least eight dead within five blocks of Pet Foods Plus. The police weren’t going to stop the crowd now making off with the store’s goods.


Rob turned to Matt and told him he was going to get the Chevy Tahoe, back it into the store through the broken doors, and then sleep in the car. “We gotta protect our business,” he said.


“We can’t protect it. They’re gonna kill us,” said his brother. The sun was going down soon, he pointed out. “They’ll stab us.”


The brothers agreed to leave. They walked down Midland Avenue toward the beach. They saw shoeless children using plastic bags and rubber bands to keep their feet dry, survivors hosing down the inside of their houses to wash the mud from their walls. Both men decided that while there was nothing they could do to save their store, they could at least help some of their neighbors—their customers—in the area.


Rob and Matt spent the rest of the afternoon, and the next four days, hauling soggy drywall, waterlogged furniture, and moldy carpet from the bungalows of Midland Beach, helping those who’d lost much more than a business.


“We were numb,” says Rob. “We were just doing the next thing. Lift this mattress. Strip that carpet. Whatever needed to be done, we just did it. We just kept going.”


Every once in a while, walking around, they would come upon cans of cat food or a piece of a point-of-sale display that looked familiar. Much of their inventory had been carried by the floodwaters and deposited around the neighborhood.


After a disaster, the immediate focus of government officials and ordinary citizens is saving lives and providing food and shelter to those who have lost everything. In the aftermath of Sandy, that’s what countless small businesspeople in New York City and New Jersey did—people like Rob and Matt Freed. With their business partner, Bernard Hilzenrath, the Freeds spent days in hard-hit areas, not just Midland Beach but also the Rockaways and Breezy Point in Queens, helping friends clear out flooded basements and first floors. Through it all, concern about their own livelihood was never far from mind. Lending their muscle to those less fortunate helped keep the fear at bay, but only for a little while.


For a community to return to normalcy after a catastrophe, small businesses also must come back. In New Orleans, the lag in the reopening of small businesses has made some low-lying communities into retail ghost towns more than seven years after Hurricane Katrina. “It won’t matter if you rebuild your residential areas,” says Mary Wong of the Office Depot Foundation, part of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s Business Civic Leadership Center. “If you don’t rebuild your downtown, your small businesses, then you don’t have an engine.”


While individuals can get immediate help—and zero-interest loans—from the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), there is no similar agency that’s prepared to work with small businesses. The Small Business Administration (SBA) is the only federal agency set up to provide assistance to small businesses—in the case of retailers that means those with annual revenue below $ 21 million—but it does not provide zero-interest disaster-related loans. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce estimates that after a natural disaster such as Hurricane Katrina or Sandy, 52 percent of small businesses never reopen.


The Freed brothers are luckier than many of their peers. Their homes survived the storm with little damage, giving them more cushion than store owners who need to find housing before even considering whether to restart their business. Up and down Midland Avenue, numerous businesses have already decided to give up. Midland Pharmacy, a block from Pet Foods Plus and in business for 25 years, has shuttered, as has Krypton Comics on the corner of Midland and Baden. “I’m done,” says owner Arthur Palomba. “My stock was destroyed.”


The prospects for Pet Foods Plus are only slightly brighter. “We don’t have retirement plans, 401(k)s, IRAs, savings. Everything we have is in our inventory,” says Rob. It will take months, or even years, before businesses in Staten Island and other New York communities recover fully from Sandy’s devastation. The Freeds believe theirs will be one of them. But neither nature nor time is on their side.


Rob Freed, short, stocky, muscular, with graying hair at the temples, had bought fully into the idea that the supreme American achievement is to run your own business. The fourth of six children and the oldest son, he’d been a mediocre student—“my best subject: lunch”—at Brooklyn’s John Dewey High School. He never considered college, finding work in a delicatessen and as a car salesman after graduating. He settled into a decent-paying job as a wholesale meat salesman, selling sides of beef to restaurants and butchers, and occasionally taking home a few scraps for his dogs, a boxer named Hank and a Lhasa apso named Wally. He usually bought his dog food at a store on Kings Highway in Brooklyn, where an older man named Ira Licht sold him 40-pound bags of Eukanuba. “Pet food stores are like bars,” Rob says. “People come in to talk. They like to talk about their animals, so you get to know your customers.”


In 1997, when Ira, who’d started the store 15 years earlier, wanted to sell out, he asked Rob, then 32, if he was interested in taking the place over. The store was about 2,500 square feet, a long and skinny one-story retail building in Sheepshead Bay, one block from the F train. It was shabby, the racks sagging, some of the inventory expired, but Rob thought there was potential. Matt had just graduated from high school and Rob talked to him about going into business together. Matt liked the idea. Rob and Ira negotiated a price: $ 10,000 for the inventory, and Rob would take over the lease. “That’s what you want, isn’t it? Your own place,” Rob says. “Of course you have your doubts, you’re scared, but still, it’s a great feeling.”


The pet food business, like the people food business, is low-margin, low-markup. The profit on a bag of dog or cat food is about 10 percent. Cat and dog toys, leashes, catnip—those are the items with the big markups. Carpeted kitty castles are a relative gold mine.


Most days, though, you’re slinging dog food. Some customers come in every day to buy one can of cat food because they like to stop and talk. Rob and Matt are convinced that people who take care of animals are good people, making for a nicer clientele than you might have if you ran, say, a liquor store.


“We’re not making money on people’s vices,” says Matt.


“Not usually,” Rob says. “You do get those ladies who say they own 60 cats. And that’s what they admit to. The reality is probably 180.” Cat ladies are great for business.


Pet Foods Plus averaged about $ 300,000 to $ 400,000 a year in revenue, with the brothers each taking out about $ 20,000 a year in salary, putting everything else back into the store: in inventory, in improvements, in promotions. Managed carefully, the business, while no great moneymaker, supported their young families. Rob had married and already had a boy and a girl at home.


Their neighborhood, however, was changing. Working-class Italians and Jews—pet owners—had given way to more recent Syrian Jewish immigrants, who were not in the habit of keeping dogs or cats in the home.


The other problem, Rob had realized, was that pet stores do most of their volume in bulk—those 40- or 50-pound bags of dog food and cat food or 50-pound bags of kitty litter—but at a city store like theirs that lacked parking, customers could only buy what they could carry, which kept revenue at a trickle.


About eight years ago, they began looking for a second location. Rob knew that pet food salesmen who weren’t willing to cut much of a deal for one store’s business would be more inclined to do so if they could double their volume. Also, with two stores, it might not be necessary to carry as much inventory in each location if Rob could move product as needed. And if two stores worked and those savings were realized, then what about three, four?


Many of their former customers had moved to Staten Island. Rob and Matt had moved there as well, to a beachfront community they felt was improving. They found a new 2,500-square-foot building on a commercial strip, at the corner of Patterson and Midland, across the street from a deli and a dog groomer, up the block from a comic book store, a judo dojo, a Chinese restaurant, and a Mexican grocery. The ethnic makeup of the neighborhood was diverse, with Chinese families crammed in next to retired widowers, yuppies tearing down bungalows to put up two-story houses, plus a few city workers who enjoyed the fresh ocean breezes. They knew the neighborhood wasn’t great—there was a welfare hotel nearby where drug addicts overdosed at an alarming rate—but it seemed to be on the way up.


The brothers and their friend, Bernard, each put up $ 50,000 and made a deal on the location, paying about $ 6,000 a month in rent, with three months’ rent free that they’d use to build out the store. They did the work themselves, laying out the retail aisles with chalk on cardboard, erasing and redrawing until they were happy with the configuration. They wanted a raised platform and counter for the cash register, so one person working behind it could also take in the whole store. “And because I’m short,” jokes Rob. They put the dog food in the back and the higher-margin leashes, cat toys, and dog treats in colorful displays near the register. (Eventually, if you work in a pet food store, you will try the pet food, usually to win a bet or answer a dare. Rob recalls there was one brand, Rewards, that wasn’t bad. “They had turkey with gravy and the gravy was pretty good.”)


Their red-and-white logo, a cartoon illustration of a dog and cat, was stenciled on the window. After a few months of 16-hour days, they had a store that looked as spiffy and professional as a chain retailer. They could duplicate it in a third store, or a hundred stores, if they generated the capital to do so.


Opened in 2005, Pet Foods Plus’s Staten Island location wasn’t an overnight sensation—very few retail operations are—but the brothers didn’t expect that. What they found was that they had surveyed the neighborhood correctly. This was a pet-friendly community, and business was steady. After three years, Rob had paid off the line of credit he’d taken out for the store. They were in the black most months. “Every month was a little better,” says Rob. “You keep making a little more, you keep putting it back in the store, buying more inventory because of the volume discounts.”


The salesmen from the pet food companies were cutting them better deals, taking the brothers out to dinners to write up the orders. Rob and Matt never took more than $ 20,000 apiece per year out of the Staten Island location, but the business grew, surpassing $ 400,000 in revenue last year and climbing steadily as the brothers’ reputation spread in the neighborhood.


This year was on track to be their best yet, and the Christmas season was looking particularly promising. The three partners decided to put up $ 15,000 to buy cat and dog toys in bulk. “We figured that never goes bad, it’s like money in the bank,” says Matt. “That turned out to be the wrong decision.” They were going to go all out this year, with a fancy Christmas display they finished putting up just days before the order to evacuate.


One of the strangest after-effects of natural disasters is the impulse of Americans to collectively empty out their closets and donate everything that doesn’t fit or that they don’t want anymore. It’s a well-intentioned gesture, in most cases, but the result is that neighborhoods like Midland Beach very quickly resemble a giant, messy closet with abandoned clothes strewn everywhere.


Five days after the storm, several relief agencies have set up on the sidewalk and inside Pet Foods Plus, pulling out some of the retail racks to serve hot food and distribute some of the tons of used clothing that have poured into Midland Beach. There is a Salvation Army distribution center in the parking lot. Inside the store, garbage bags of donated clothes are now mixed in with the rotting dog food. “People are donating sandals and bikinis,” Rob says. “In November? What are they thinking?”


Girls hauling wagons walk by regularly and ask if anyone wants water or a snack. “Otherwise we gotta carry it all back,” they say.


Richard Aloi, the owner of a nearby building gutted by the flood, says he needs to get his place fixed up or he’ll lose his tenant. He has a generator going and several pumps to dry the place out. “This was my achievement in life,” Aloi says of his small retail building. “If I lose the tenant, I’m gone, I’m shot.” The Russian martial-arts instructor who runs a judo school in the building has promised to come back if Aloi can get the place cleared out.


He says he got through to the Small Business Administration, who told him he might qualify for a 3 percent loan. “How about zero percent?” Aloi says. “Look around this place. We’re shot. I can’t afford 3 percent.”


Rob shakes his head. “Even at zero percent, I’m not sure I could reopen. $ 100,000 over eight years, paying back $ 1,000 a month on top of my overhead. I don’t know if I could do it.”


His brother Matt adds, “And if we reopen, where will our business be? Twenty percent, 40 percent of before the storm?”


The most common complaint among Staten Island business owners is they can’t reach their insurance companies on the phone, or if they can get through, they’re told there’s a backlog of claims and the company can’t schedule an adjuster to come out. “Our company said they usually get about 7,000 claims a year,” says Rob. “They told us they have 30,000 pending right now.” (They were also told by their insurance company, Tower Insurance, that they do not have flood insurance.)


The Freeds’ landlord lost his home in Brooklyn and hasn’t even been able to make it out to Midland Beach to survey the damage. His insurance company is similarly backed up. “We don’t know anything,” says Rob. “How can we make a plan when we don’t have any numbers?”


The Office Depot Foundation’s Wong points out that it usually takes about eight weeks for the disaster response to transition from rescue to recovery. That’s when the business and political leadership of the community has to come together to make the long-term recovery plan that will presumably also include some support for local businesses. New York Governor Andrew Cuomo has already asked for $ 42 billion in federal disaster relief, some of which will likely be distributed by local politicians or through local agencies. The Manhattan Chamber of Commerce has implemented a microloan program to help businesses reopen their doors after Sandy. But along Midland Avenue in Staten Island, Rob and Matt wonder if this flooded area should even be rebuilt.


The response of Cedar Rapids, Iowa, to the devastating floods of 2008 provides a possible model for a post-Sandy recovery. The state initiated a comprehensive plan to rebuild outside the flood basin and help businesses recover. It set up a $ 3 million small business grant fund and earmarked an additional $ 7 million to clear debris. A similar program in New York and New Jersey, with many more zeros at the end of it, may jump-start small businesses and encourage them to stick it out.


“Where am I going to get the capital to start over?” Rob wonders. “I’m not borrowing the money. I’m not going into debt again.”


Rob, Matt, and Bernard are walking down Midland Avenue to Father Capodanno Boulevard, which runs alongside the Atlantic, now blocked from view by an eight-story-high pile of toxic rubbish on the beach. Garbage and dump trucks are idling on the highway, waiting to unload more of what used to be the interior walls, floors, and fixtures of people’s homes and is now labeled hazardous waste.


In better times, the men had strolled along this beach with their children, and each shared the same dream: that they could pass on the business to their kids. Now, with the beach closed, the three head up the boulevard, turn inland along Hunter Avenue, and then back to the store. On every block, in every other house, families are digging out, piling their ruined possessions in heaps along the sidewalk, waiting for sanitation trucks to take them to the beach.


“See, here’s the thing,” says Matt. “The people who own their own houses, they might stay. But if you were renting? Would you wait two months till the landlord made your house habitable?”


Bernard says, “Our customers may be gone.”


“If we were a big company,” says Matt, “if we had real money, we’d hire a team to go out and survey the neighborhood to see who’s staying and who’s going, who has pets.”


Rob recalls all the talk during the presidential campaign about small businesses being the backbone of America. “Sometimes,” he says, “I think what they mean by small business is actually big business.”


A woman with red hair comes out of her house and asks how Rob and the guys are doing. “I saw what happened to the store,” she says. “Terrible.”


“You got power?” Rob asks.


She shakes her head. “No power. We got water.”


“How’s your dog?” Rob asks.


“He died.”


Rob says he’s sorry.


As he’s walking away, he smiles and says, “I hope she gets another dog.”


Back at the store, the relief workers are long gone, and they’ve taken all the remaining undamaged retail racks with them, without asking. Steadily, Rob’s customers and neighbors come up and give him a hug. One customer who stuck it out through the storm, the water in his house rising up to his neck, somehow saved three of his five cats. “Thank God, thank God,” he says. Rob looks around the store for some unopened cat food. Another neighbor comes by and recommends drinking plenty of Irish whiskey.


Matt is inside the store, kicking at the ruins. “My son Gavin, he’s three, he heard about the damage and he said, ‘Daddy, I’ll fix it. I’ll bring my paintbrush and fix it all up.’”


Rob nods. “In my heart, I want to reopen. But my head is telling me it may not happen.”


As he speaks, an attractive blonde wearing gold-rimmed sunglasses parks her convertible Lexus and walks up to the store before noticing it’s not exactly open for business. She looks around, confused. “When did this happen?” she asks.


She gets back into her car and drives away.



Greenfeld is a Bloomberg Businessweek contributor.


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Myanmar cracks down on mine protest; dozens hurt












MONYWA, Myanmar (AP) — Security forces used water cannons and other riot gear Thursday to clear protesters from a copper mine in in northwestern Myanmar, wounding villagers and Buddhist monks just hours before opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was to visit the area to hear their grievances.


The crackdown at the Letpadaung mine near the town of Monywa risks becoming a public relations and political fiasco for the reformist government of President Thein Sein, which has been touting its transition to democracy after almost five decades of repressive military rule.












The environmental and social damage allegedly produced by the mine has become a popular cause in activist circles, but was not yet a matter of broad public concern. However, hurting monks — as admired for their social activism as they are revered for their spiritual beliefs — is sure to antagonize many ordinary people, especially as Suu Kyi’s visit highlights the events.


“This is unacceptable,” said Ottama Thara, a 25-year-old monk who was at the protest. “This kind of violence should not happen under a government that says it is committed to democratic reforms.”


According to a nurse at a Monywa hospital, 27 monks and one other person were admitted with burns caused by some sort of projectile that released sparks or embers. Two of the monks with serious injuries were sent for treatment in Mandalay, Myanmar’s second biggest city, a 2 ½ hour drive away. Other evicted protesters gathered at a Buddhist temple about 5 kilometers (3 miles) from the mine’s gates.


Lending further sympathy to the protesters’ cause is whom they are fighting against. The mining operation is a joint venture between a Chinese company and a holding company controlled by Myanmar’s military. Most people remain suspicious of the military, while China is widely seen as having propped up army rule for years, in addition to being an aggressive investor exploiting the country’s many natural resources.


Government officials had publicly stated that the protest risked scaring off foreign investment that is key to building the economy after decades of neglect.


State television had broadcast an announcement Tuesday night that ordered protesters to cease their occupation of the mine by midnight or face legal action. It said operations at the mine had been halted since Nov. 18, after protesters occupied the area.


Some villagers among a claimed 1,000 protesters left the six encampments they had at the mine after the order was issued. But others stayed through Wednesday, including about 100 monks.


Police moved in to disperse them early Thursday.


“Around 2:30 a.m. police announced they would give us five minutes to leave,” said protester Aung Myint Htway, a peanut farmer whose face and body were covered with black patches of burned skin. He said police fired water cannons first and then shot what he and others called flare guns.


“They fired black balls that exploded into fire sparks. They shot about six times. People ran away and they followed us,” he said, still writhing hours later from pain. “It’s very hot.”


Photos of the wounded monks showed they had sustained serious burns on parts of their bodies. It was unclear what sort of weapon caused them.


The protest is the latest major example of increased activism by citizens since the elected government took over last year. Political and economic liberalization under Thein Sein has won praise from Western governments, which have eased sanctions imposed on the previous military government because of its poor record on human and civil rights. However, the military still retains major influence over the government, and some critics fear that democratic gains could easily be rolled back.


In Myanmar’s main city of Yangon, six anti-mine activists who staged a small protest were detained Monday and Tuesday, said one of their colleagues, who asked not to be identified because he did not want to attract attention from the authorities.


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Seattle police plan for helicopter drones hits severe turbulence












SEATTLE (Reuters) – One of the latest crime-fighting gadgets to emerge on the wish lists of U.S. law enforcement agencies – drone aircraft – has run into heavy turbulence in Seattle over a plan by police to send miniature robot helicopters buzzing over the city.


A recent push for unmanned police aircraft in several cities is being driven largely by grants from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, including more than $ 80,000 the city of Seattle used to buy a pair of drone choppers in 2010.












But getting aerial drones off the ground has run into stiff opposition from civil libertarians and others who say the use of stealth airborne cameras by domestic law enforcement raises questions about privacy rights and the limits of police search powers.


The aircraft would never carry weapons, but the use of drones for even mundane tasks raises ire among some because of the association of pilotless crafts with covert U.S. missile strikes in places such as Pakistan and Yemen.


In Seattle last month, a community meeting where police officials presented plans to deploy their two remote-controlled helicopters erupted into yelling and angry chants of “No drones!”


“My question is simple: What’s the return policy for the drones?” said Steve Widmayer, 57, one of numerous citizens who spoke out against the unmanned aircraft. He predicted the City Council would commit “political suicide” if it backed the plan.


Seattle City Councilman Bruce Harrell said he hoped the council would set strict drone policies by January.


Police in Seattle, along with Florida’s Miami-Dade County and Houston, are among a handful of big-city law enforcement departments known to have acquired aerial drones. But those cities have not started operating the robot aircraft.


FEAR OF FLYING ROBOTS


In Oakland, California, this month, an Alameda County sheriff’s application for a federal grant to buy an aerial drone to help monitor unruly crowds and locate illegal marijuana farms drew opposition at a Board of Supervisors meeting.


“I do not want flying spy robots looking into my private property with infrared cameras,” Oakland resident Mary Madden said. “It’s an invasion of my privacy.”


County Board President Nate Miley said the issue would be taken up by the supervisors’ Public Protection Committee.


The two Draganflyer X6 remote-controlled miniature helicopters purchased by Seattle have so far been mostly grounded, restricted to training and demonstration flights.


Equipped to carry video, still and night-vision cameras, they can remain aloft for only 15 minutes at a time before their batteries run out, police said.


Assistant Police Chief Paul McDonagh said the aircraft would not be used in Seattle for surveillance or for monitoring street protests. Instead, his department’s plans to deploy drones to search for missing persons, pursue fleeing suspects, assist in criminal investigations and for unspecified “specific situations” subject to McDonagh’s approval.


Seattle City Councilman Bruce Harrell said he hoped the council would set strict drone policies by January.


Months ago in Texas, Chief Deputy Randy McDaniel of the Montgomery County Sheriff’s Office raised eyebrows by saying he hoped to equip his department’s drones with rubber bullets and tear gas, though he told Reuters his thinking on armed aircraft has since evolved.


“From a law enforcement standpoint, that’s never going to happen,” he said. McDaniel said his office received Federal Aviation Administration clearance earlier this month to begin operational drone flights but has not yet had occasion to do so.


Actual U.S. domestic use of law-enforcement drone aircraft remains extremely limited.


The Mesa County Sheriff’s Department in Colorado has been operating two small drones, also bought with Homeland Security funds, since 2010.


It uses them largely to create three-dimensional images of crime scenes, said Benjamin Miller, director of the department’s drone program. They are not used for surveillance, he said.


In North Dakota, the Grand Forks police department last year called in a high-flying Predator drone operated by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to monitor a tense standoff with a rancher over alleged stolen cattle.


The rancher, Rodney Brossart, and five family members are believed to be the first Americans nabbed by police with drone assistance – with the possible exception of operations along the southwest border with Mexico.


The use of drones there by the Customs and Border Protection agency – a part of Homeland Security – led to 7,500 arrests and the seizure of thousands of pounds of drugs up to the end of last year.


The nationality of those arrested in drone assisted operations in the borderlands is not clear, nor is if Customs and Border Protection partnered with local forces in any of those arrests.


(Editing by Steve Gorman and Jackie Frank)


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House Speaker Boehner optimistic on averting fiscal crisis












(Reuters) – House Speaker John Boehner voiced optimism that Republicans could broker a deal with the White House to avoid year-end austerity measures, saying on Wednesday that Republicans were willing to put revenues on the table if Democrats agreed to spending cuts.


“I am optimistic that we can continue to work together to avert this crisis sooner rather than later,” the Ohio Republican told reporters. “We (Republicans) put revenue on the table as long as it is accompanied by serious spending cuts to avert this crisis.”












The $ 600 billion in tax increases and spending cuts will start going into effect early next year if the Obama administration and lawmakers cannot agree on how to change the law. Top policymakers say these austerity measures could topple the U.S. economy back into a recession.


(Reporting by Richard Cowan; Editing by Bill Trott)


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IMF says Spain’s financial reform on track, challenges ahead












MADRID (Reuters) – Spain’s financial sector reform is on track and all deadlines have been met so far but difficult steps still lie ahead while risks for the economy and the country’s lenders remain high, the International Monetary Fund said on Wednesday.


The report follows European Commission approval of the recapitalization plans of four nationalized Spanish banks, under a 100 billion euro European credit line agreed in June.












The financial sector program is on track so far, with all deadlines met. However, the most challenging steps lie ahead, especially those related to implementing bank restructuring plans and making the asset management company effective,” the IMF said in its first progress report on the financial reform.


It added that bank liquidity remains a risk that is only mitigated by extensive support from the European Central Bank, while non-viable lenders should be quickly wound down and mergers that do not generate value should be avoided.


Economic risks remain high, with further headwinds expected from private-sector deleveraging, tight credit, falling house prices, fiscal consolidation, weak confidence and high uncertainty, it said.


(Reporting by Julien Toyer; Editing by Fiona Ortiz)


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